Tuesday, January 21, 2020

Work Reform Essay -- Business Management

Work reform, as interpreted by the employer, is a modern concept that has at its core increases in efficiency and effectiveness and a content and stable workforce. Work reforms are a means to an end; the end being increases in efficiency, production, and profits in a volatile global market. Depending on which method is used, the goals are to motivate their workers to gain their compliance. By paying more attention to a workers values, attitudes, and psychological needs, etc. a company can set the foundation for a more militant workforce and perhaps circumvent unionization. A company can try to create a â€Å"corporate family†, for example, via a corporate culture to try to facilitate this type of reform. The implementation of a corporate culture is an attempt to get workers to â€Å"buy in† to the firm’s overall goals (Krahn, Lowe, Hughes, 2011 p. 244-248). Key themes include workers as human beings, organizational cultures, constant adaptation, co-operatio n, creativity, flexibility, work teams, doing more with less, continuous learning, flatter organizational structures, customer-service, and participative management, etc. The goals and motivations for work reform as it pertains to a workforce differ from those of firms. Workers see changes such as enhanced on the job decision-making, increased autonomy, a decrease in monotonous and arduous tasks, and more input into large company decisions(that will ultimately affect them) as positive. Other changes that workers would embrace are pay increases and the addition of family friendly work policies such as more free time, and on-site daycare. Since a number of large manufacturing and service firms are unionized, a motivation and goal for work reform, in this respect, would be for a co... ...enough research on it. Some drawbacks are less employment security, a loss of pay due to the profit-sharing model, and there is evidence of some firms engaging in downsizing and layoffs who have adopted HPW. There is also evidence that implementation of HPW systems in lower-tier service jobs results in negligible differences in any of the above categories. Only in the upper-tier services can more of the benefits of this model be had, which unfortunately leads to potentially greater market segmentation (Krahn, Lowe, Hughes, 2011 p. 267-268). Works Cited Krahn, Lowe, Hughes (2008) Work, Industry, & Canadian Society. (5th ed.) Toronto, ON: Nelson Education Ltd. Critoph, U (2010) Sociology 321 Study Guide. (Revised edition). Athabasca, AB: Athabasca University Athabasca University (2010) Sociology 321 Reading File. Athabasca, AB: Athabasca University

Monday, January 13, 2020

Diversity in American Education Before 1960 Essay

The diversity in terms of the student population in American education before 1960 was largely dependent upon the issue of racial equality. The push for racial equality in the United States got a boost from the demands placed on all facets of society during World War II. The mobilization effort relied on the black race to win the war and once it was over, there was no turning back. Furthermore, the ideals of freedom and equality, which were the backbone of the Allied war cry and the foundation for the anti-communist Western movement, did not sit well alongside Jim Crow laws and public acts of racial discrimination. The Jim Crow System is also called â€Å"segregation†. It is a process in and through which Southerners may be said to legitimize their racial supremacy over the Blacks or Negroes. It is a system in and through which the central idea is â€Å"differentiation†. The aforementioned differentiation is done on the basis of ethnicity or race. It is therefore not difficult to see that such a system will encounter numerous criticisms due to the implications that result from it. Differentiation entails the recognition that races are different and as such, it creates a political setting that â€Å"separates† races such as the Whites from the Blacks. In addition to this, it also separates and ultimately, limits or confines races such as the Blacks to a social sphere with corresponding social functions that are imposed on them. In line with this, this paper will focus on the manifestations and effects of racial segregation on the American public educational system before 1960. It will do so since the end of racial segregation within the American public school system was largely determined by the effects of the Civil Rights movement as can be seen in the discussion of the Supreme Court Cases on educational and racial equality before 1960. The following cases will show the effects of racial inequality on the diversity of the population in the American public educational system prior to the aforementioned period. In 1954, the United States of America’s Supreme Court decided a landmark case concerning educational and racial equality. In Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U. S. 483 (1954), the Court’s ruling is grounded on the principle that the doctrine of â€Å"separate but equal† [this doctrine is referring to the segregation policy, more specifically, the segregation policy in the schools in the U. S. ] will not and cannot provide Black Americans with the same standards and quality of education available for White Americans. The court thus, outlawed the â€Å"racial segregation of public education facilities† for the aforementioned reason. On May 17, 1954 the Warren Court handed down a 9-0 decision which stated, in clear and certain terms, that â€Å"separate educational facilities are inherently unequal†. Chief Justice Warren writes: Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms. (1954, np) Moreover, racial segregation, as the court sees it, is against the pronouncements of the Constitution; the segregation of students on the basis of race or ethnicity and the legalization of a segregated public school education through the enactment of certain statutes serving to legitimize the creation and operation of schools that are exclusively for Whites or for Blacks, is clearly, not justified. The Supreme Court’s ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka remains and is still considered as a turning point in the determination of racial diversity in the educational institutions within the United States. The second case involves an implication of the Brown Cases [Brown Cases since there are Brown I, II and III cases]. Due to the Supreme Court’s verdict that segregation is â€Å"unconstitutional† and of course, due to the increasing rallies, boycotts and protests conducted by the advocates of the Civil Rights Movement, issues regarding â€Å"busing† as an appropriate means by which school administrators may comply with the then seemingly constitutional requirement of â€Å"desegregation†. Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U. S. 1 (1971) was an important United States Supreme Court case which deals with the busing of students to promote integration in the public school system. After the first trial’s decision in favor of the Board of Education, the Court held that â€Å"busing† was the appropriate solution to address the existing racial imbalance among schools at the time, even where the imbalance resulted from the selection of students based on geographic proximity to the school rather than from deliberate assignment based on race. Busing was done as in the cases of two Northern cities; Boston and New York to ensure that schools would be properly integrated and that all students would receive equal educational opportunities regardless of their ethnicity or race Milliken vs. Bradley 418 U. S. 717 (1974), just like the Swann n. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education case is also another case concerning â€Å"busing†. Specifically, the Milliken vs. Bradley case deals with the â€Å"planned forced busing† of public school students across district lines among 53 school districts in Detroit. Hence, the case is also a consequence of the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka case. The Court held that â€Å"[w]ith no showing of significant violation by the 53 outlying school districts and no evidence of any interdistrict violation or effect†, the district court’s remedy was â€Å"wholly impermissible† and not justified by Brown v. Board of Education (Milliken vs. Bradley 418 U. S. 717, 1974, np). The following statement by Friedman echoes the ramifications of the Milliken v. Bradley case The world was made safe for white flight. White suburbs were secure in their grassy enclaves†¦. Official, legal segregation indeed was dead; but what replaced it was a deeper, more profound segregation †¦ Tens of thousands of black children attend schools that are all black, schools where they never see a white face; and they live massed in ghettos which are also entirely black. (Friedman, 2004, p. 296) Another case set during 1974 shows the conditions of diversity in the American public school system prior to 1960. Morgan v. Hennigan is a class action suit on behalf of fifteen Black parents and 43 children which found the Boston School Committee guilty of maintaining a dual, that is, segregated school system. In a court order issued by Garrity, imposed or forced busing will be done on the city of Boston in order to achieve racial balance in public schools. The aforementioned court order was based on a complex system of racial parity and ignored previous busing solutions. The Boston School Committee, according to the ruling of the court, through various means and capacities violated the constitutional rights of the plaintiffs by imposing segregation in terms assigning students to other areas, segregating residential patterns, transportation and grade system policies, to name a few. The School Committee thus, violated the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution because instead of ensuring that Black children be given equal protection under the law, the segregation policies instead placed the Black children in an unfair disadvantage. The proper course of action that schools should take according to the court is to enact policies that will eliminate racial discrimination and not its converse. We will now discuss Boston Busing in the light of Ronald Formisano’s Boston Against Busing: Race, Class, and Ethnicity in the 1960s and 1970s. Formisano’s conclusion regarding busing was that it is a failure. The main aims of desegregation are supposedly, educational equality and racial equality. Both aims however, were never achieved. The desegregation and affirmative action policies were results of the Civil Rights Movement and the Supreme Court rulings on the cases discussed earlier. History reveals that the expedited implementation of these policies was not beneficial to the American society since it involves an overhaul of large areas of American civil society and political culture. This construal may be strengthened by the â€Å"White Backlash Movements† in Boston. Formisano sees the White Backlash [as in the case of Boston] as a reaction to the implemented â€Å"forced busing†. He further defines the White’s reaction as a â€Å"reactionary populism† involving the middle, working class moved by a sense of â€Å"threat† regarding the policies implemented during the time and the escalating number of White v. Black incidents in the community and schools. It is also interesting to note that the White Backlash, like the Civil Rights Movement of the Blacks lacked a unified reaction and stand on the issue. Whites responded differently, so to speak, on the issue of forced busing. Formisano’s analysis that the White Backlash is moved by a sense of threat is indeed a plausible idea. Other Whites actually support the anti-racial discrimination campaigns but the expedited implementation of desegregation, forced busing and affirmative action threatened their sense of security and their sense of community. In other words, it went too far. Given the aforementioned cases, diversity in American public education before 1960 was largely determined by racial stratification. This however was largely affected by the Civil Rights movement since the movement questioned the main assumption regarding the treatment of individuals with different racial backgrounds. References Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U. S. 483 (1954). Friedman, L. (2002). American Law in the Twentieth Century. New Haven: Yale University Press. Formisano, R. (2004). Boston Against Busing: Race, Class, and Ethnicity in the 1960s and 1970s. Carolina: University of Carolina Press. Milliken vs. Bradley 418 U. S. 717 (1974). Morgan v. Hennigan, 379 F. Supp. 410 (1974). Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U. S. 1 (1971). Warren in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U. S. 483 (1954).

Sunday, January 5, 2020

Constitutionality Of The Patriot Act - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 13 Words: 3764 Downloads: 9 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Law Essay Type Research paper Tags: Act Essay Did you like this example? True patriots realize that one must protect the nation from all enemies, foreign and domestic, and that the essence of what it means to be patriotic is to protect our Constitution and its Bill of Rights will all of our might.- Amitai Etzioni One of the central themes of our nation when it comes to our national security has to do with two profound commitments: protecting our homeland and safeguarding our rights. However, in order to protect it, we have to give up some of our rights. The U.S. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Constitutionality Of The Patriot Act" essay for you Create order PATRIOT Act was designed to hopefully give special powers to U.S. law enforcement agencies to prevent future terrorist attacks. Americans were so traumatized by the terrorist attacks on 9/11 that they were willing to surrender their liberties. On October 26, 2001, after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, Congress passed the Uniting and Strengthening of America through Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001, commonly referred to as the USA PATRIOT Act. The law expanded the FBIs wiretapping and electronic surveillance authority. It allowed nationwide jurisdiction for search warrants and electronic surveillance devices. The USA PATRIOT Act is one of the most controversial and misunderstood laws Congress has ever enacted. This legislation dramatically shifted our national focus even further away from the due process model in our attempts to control crimes by terrorists. The act has te n sections or titles outlining new powers for government operations. Titles I, II, III, IV, and VII specifically affect law enforcements role in antiterrorist activities: IMG.jpg One of the key objectives of the PATRIOT Act was to remedy a need of interactions linking the federal law enforcement agencies and intelligence agencies that were individually trying to defend against terrorism. The September 11th terrorist attacks established how critical inter- and intra-agency interactions are to stop and take action against such attacks. The PATRIOT Act attempts to create a coordinating mechanism to defend against terrorism efforts of all U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies. There are many controversial provisions of the Act in order to control crime that has shifted our national focus away from the due process model. The government has access to financial, library, travel, video rental, phone, medical, and religious records. As long as the government declares that the searches are to protect against terrorism, they can conduct them without a persons knowledge or consent, and without a warrant. Today, officers can use sneak and peek to enter a home without notifying the person, look around, take pictures, examine electronic files, and leave. Prior to the Act, the search had to be executed with a search warrant. National Security Letters are used to attain business records instead of having to get a judicially issued warrant to have access to the information. The U.S. Attorney General now has the authority to order the detention of aliens without any prior showing or court ruling that the person is dangerous (Ferdico, Fradella, Totten, 6). The powers issued to federal law enforcement agencies violate the fourth amendment of the U.S. Constitution, the right of privacy. The exclusionary rule is an interpretation of the U.S. Constitution by the U.S. Supreme Court that holds that evidence seized in violation of the U.S. Constitution cannot be used in c ourt against a defendant (Dempsey and Forst, p. 530). The exclusionary rule is violated by police because the act allows warrantless searches and even searches without probable causes. The exclusionary rules power was originally intended to be used only in federal cases. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) was revised to sanction secret searches, without public knowledge or Department of Justice accountability (procedure, 6), as long as the government claims a foreign intelligence need for such a search. FISA allows federal agents to perform electronic surveillance and physical searches for national defense reasons. It authorizes surveillance of so-called lone wolves any person or group who is not associated with a foreign government but who engages in international terrorism or activities in preparation therefore or engages in acts of sabotage (293). However, FISA does not control U.S. governmental intelligence actions outside the United States; these actions are i nstead conducted by the Central Intelligence Agency. The PATRIOT Act has changed some of the ways the federal government is allowed to collect and use evidence. Although the PATRIOT Act was created to ensure that the nation is safer from terrorism, some civil libertarians have became concerned that the new powers will have an effect on some civil rights. FISA of 1978 has authorized some evidentiary searches prior to obtaining a warrant, but the statute anticipated that a warrant would be helpful in most cases. The act excluded the use of any evidence unlawfully obtained through illegal electronic searches and surveillance. Congress amended FISA by passing relevant provisions of the PATRIOT Act that had the effect of limiting the use of FISA for domestic law enforcement purposes. The administration governing law enforcement surveillance prior to September 11 was a complex combination of limitations, broad powers, and compromises. Since there was a high demand for strong law enf orcement, the PATRIOT Act shifted this balance in the direction of greatly extended investigative powers-including powers to investigate crimes completely unconnected to terrorism. The PATRIOT Act gives law enforcement the new ability to search, seize, detain, or eavesdrop in their pursuit of possible terrorists. The law has become controversial and has caused many Americans to believe that the law threatened their civil liberties. The new antiterrorism focal point of U.S. law enforcement was seen undoubtedly as the United States waged war against Iraq in March 2003. The counterterrorism of law enforcement agencies in the United States matched the preparations of the military forces abroad: Perez-Pena (2004) found the following: As the United States waged war on Iraq, New Yorkers and others across the region are witnessing an extraordinary state of heightened security. Police officers are armed like assault troops outside prominent buildings, police boats are combing the wa terfronts and trucks are being inspected at bridges and tunnels. A sneak-and-peek warrant is search warrants that explicitly sanctions law enforcement officers to enter vacant premises, search for evidence, and then leave. They do so without seizing the evidence they find and without leaving a trace that an entry has been made. In order to conduct such a search, officers typically photograph or videotape the evidence or otherwise document exactly what they saw and its exact location. The U.S. PATRIOT Act was enacted less than two months after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Sections 213 of the Act, codified at 18 U.S.C. 3103a(b), contained the first express statutory authorization for the issuance of sneak-and-peak search warrants in American history (Duncan, p. 24). This section provided:   Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚  Ãƒâ€šÃ‚   (b) delay-without respect to the issuance of any warrant or court order un der this section, or any other rule of law, to search for and seize any property or material that constitutes evidence of a criminal offense in violation of the laws of the United States, any notice required, or that may be required, to be given may be delayed if: 1) the court finds reasonable cause to believe that providing immediate notification of the execution of the warrant may have an adverse result (as defined in section 2705, except if the adverse results consist only of unduly delaying a trial); (2) the warrant prohibits the seizure of any tangible property, any wire or electronic communication (as defined in section 2510), or, except as expressly provided in chapter 121, any stored wire or electronic information, except where the court finds reasonable necessity for the seizure; and (3) the warrant provides for the giving of such notice within a reasonable period not to exceed 30 days after the date of its execution, or on a later date certain if the facts of the case justify a longer period of delay. Although the PATRIOT Act has tried to focus more on expansion on the United State idea of terrorism and protecting the people, the Bill of Rights is being threatened, mainly the first, fourth, and fifth amendments. The primary amendment the PATRIOT Act hindered was the first amendment, the right of freedom of speech, assembly, and the press. The PATRIOT Act began to infringe on this freedom by allowing the use of roving wire taps. Roving wiretaps are able to be placed on every phone or computer that the target of an investigation may use (6). Although it allows the government to keep up to date with the new technologies that terrorist use, it invades the privacy of many unaffiliated innocent civilians who may come into contact with the suspect. One reason for the PATRIOT Act is the need for stronger legal tools. Well-designed legal powers play a fundamental role in facilitation strong, practical tactics and successful precautionary effort s. Legal authority can be the key to gaining necessary information about enemies and their unfolding plans. However, we must not misjudge the significance of law, even such a broad and important law as the PATRIOT Act. The value of access to more and better information seems obvious-so obvious that many Americans can now think it precautious to give counterterrorism officials broad authority to gather whatever information they deem of use. This widely shared assumption is not, at first blush, unreasonable. But it is deceptive because legal authority is not as much of importance for successful intelligence actions as the public and the legal professions generally believe. An efficient intelligence method needs that information be gathered, translated, pooled the relevant agencies, analyzed, and then transmitted to those in a position to investigate further to take quick preventive action (Schulhofer,14). Legal rules are largely immaterial at the critical stages of translation, analysis, and transmission. Law can pose considerable barriers to the pooling of intelligence, but here the barriers of agency culture, weighty lines of communication, and inadequate resources usually matter much more. Even at the stage of gathering domestic intelligence, the stage where we expect law to govern, capabilities are largely determined by non legal constraints: technical, budgetary, and human resources, the training and priorities of officers, and the organization and cultures of the relevant agencies (Schulhofer, 14). If an intelligence method suffers from key insufficiencies in these areas, anxiety with questions of legal authority can be a hazardous diversion because it will certainly prevent us from dealing with problems that may matter much more. Before centering our attention on the legal issues in detail, it is necessary to review the function they took on in the events leading up to the September 11 attacks. IMG_0001.jpg A year prior to the September 11 attacks, 54 percent of Americans were not worried that the government threatens their own personal rights and freedoms. The number grew to 67 percent two months following the attacks. According to Etzioni, this is because there had been several measures had been introduced in order to enhance safety and public fears began to reduce (National Public Radio/ Kaiser/Kennedy School). In a poll, Americans were asked, Would you be willing to give up some of the liberties we have in this country in order for the government to crack down on terrorism, or not? (Etzioni, 17) their responses tell the same story. According to Etzioni, not too soon after the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in April 1995, 59 percent of Americans favored giving up some liberties. After only a month following the bombing, the numbers began to reduce to 52 percent. After the terrorists attacks on September 11, that number grew to 66 percent of Americans. (ABC News/Washington Post) IMG_00 02.jpg The same responses are shown in an additional poll that asked, What concerns you most right now? That the government will fail to enact strong, new antiterrorism laws, or that the government will enact new antiterrorism laws which excessively restrict the average persons civil liberties?. Although 44 percent were worried that the government would ratify laws that would limit civil liberties in 1995, 34 percent expressed such doubts in September 2001. (Pew Center for the People and the Press) The eagerness of people to give up rights to be able to fight against terrorism, and their opinion of whether or not they will need to give up some of their own rights, is also tied to their point of fear. As Table 2 shows, an obvious majority of 59 percent of American citizens were willing to give up some liberties after the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City in April 1995. When the question was asked again a month later, peoples willingness to support reductions of l iberty declined to 52 percent. A majority of the American people, 78 percent, were willing to give some of their liberty to fight against terrorism once the question was asked in a different form after the attacks on September 11. Questions about necessity as an alternative to willingness to give up liberties (Table 3) disclose a related pattern. More than six in ten Americans agreed that it was a necessary to give up some rights immediately after September 11 (Abele, 17). When the question was asked again two months later, the poll fell to five out of ten Americans IMG_0003.jpg . IMG_0004.jpg When asked about specific measures that should be taken, what needs to be done is consistent: as fear decreases, the support for safety, at any cost, remained very high. However, it declined over time. More than two-thirds of Americans were willing to give up certain rights on seven out of ten measures. IMG_0005.jpg When the same topic was asked in a different question form, the end results were the same. The percentage remained small of the amount of Americans who believed that the government had gone too far in confining civil liberties to fight against terrorism. However, it increased from eight percent to 12 percent as America experienced no new attacks and frequent new safety methods were established. The percentage of those who believed that the government did not go far enough declined somewhat. In responses to questions such as, Overall, how confident do you feel that U.S. law enforcement will use its expanded surveillance powers in what you would s ee as a proper way, under the circumstances of terrorist threats?, we see the start of a shift, the reduction in those who are very confident law enforcement will use such powers appropriately, which is less challenging than a substantial rise in those who are not confident at all. However, in March, the number of people who felt very confident fell from 34 percent to 12 percent from what it was in September, those who were not confident at all increased by a sheer two percent, well within the margin of error for such polls. (Harris) Etzioni (2004) found the following: As far as one can rely on attitudinal data that vary according to how the question is phrased, the data support the thesis that the higher the fear, the greater the willingness to curtail liberty to protect safety. And that as new safety measures are introduced, and no new attacks occur-when the governments response seems effective-fear subsides and support for democracy beings to re-increase. The fact that the support for strong anti-terrorist measures remains high reflects the fact that all of the data were collected within nine months of the attack and under frequent warnings about immanent attacks, new threats, and so on. The thesis would lead one to expect that if the panic subsides some more, the proportion of those supporting a curtailment of rights will further decline. This may seem obvious, but it surely is not so obvious to those who hold that democracy is lost by introducing new safety measures that entail some curtailment of rights. These are core elements of what protects the public and reassures it (p. 21). According to Abele, probable cause means that the government must have reasonable grounds for conducting searches and surveillances on U.S. persons. With the PATRIOT Act and FISA, probable cause is not a requirement, regardless of what the Fourth Amendment says; and only has to use suspicion for a search and seizure when it comes to terrorists threats. There are seven sections of the PATRIOT Act that deal probable cause. Under section 214, a warrant is not required when trap and trace devices are going to be used, just relevance to an ongoing terrorist investigations (Abele, 44). FBI does not have to suspect a person of performing a wrongdoing if they want to seize evidence under section 215. Section 215 allows federal investigators concerned in terrorism or national security investigation to seize any tangible things from businesses and other entities. FISA has required that specific and articulable facts giving reason to believe that the person to whom the records pertain is a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power (Abele, 44). Section 216 says that the government uses three rubrics for probable cause when the government takes up information. The first rubric is a government software program called Carnivore which eats up an entire ISPs email. This section paves the way for a new era of national-level electronic surveillance and invest igation by federal agencies, not necessarily restricted to terrorism, less susceptible to challenge, and not subject to extensive court supervision or review (Michaels, 61). If intelligence gathering is the primary purpose, section 218 allows probable cause exceptions when wiretapping foreign agents. Under section 412, neither hearing, nor evidence production is required for jailing of immigrants. Section 412 allows suspected aliens to be detained for 7 days without charge or held for an indefinite period if determined not to be removable. Zadvydas v. Davis said that this is only constitutional if there is a chance that the person will flee or they are a danger to society. Section 505 forces anyone who has any information on a potential target of investigation to give it up, even if they are not a suspect of espionage. Under section 101 and 124, Patriot 101 violates probable cause. Section 101 gets rid of the requirement of probable cause for eavesdropping on American citizens, and calls it suspicion. Section 124 allows the government to eavesdrop on any electronic device without having to prove probable cause. The Fourth Amendment requires specificity with consideration to this eavesdropping (Edgar). The main issue with the PATRIOT Act regarding civil liberties is the right to privacy. There are 12 sections that violate a persons right to privacy. Section 203 allows federal government agencies to share the information they obtain during criminal investigations with other agencies. Section 203 abolishes virtually all of the problems to information sharing in the federal government, allowing federal agencies to share grand jury information, intercepted information, and foreign intelligence information. Roving wiretaps are allowed under section 206. Section 213 permits sneak-and-peek searches, which violates the Fourth Amendment and also Rule 41(d) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure (Abele, 46). Section 213 is significant because it permits delay of n otice for an approximate reasonable period, Section 213 opens the possibility of vague secrecy warrant. Sections 214 allow pen registers and trap and trace devices. According to Chang, section 215 allows FBI agents to obtain information about any person from anyway, and also requires that a judge approves of this request. Section 216 permits tracking devices for telephone and internet dialing, routing addressing and signaling information. For intelligence gathering only, section 218 allows information gained by law enforcement to be shared. Without a court order, the surveillance of spoken communication on any type of electronic device owned by a foreign government is allowed under section 104. Under section 126, the government is allowed to get hold of financial records without gaining the persons consent, their knowledge, court order, or without judicial review. Section 128 allows administrative subpoenas. Section 303 sets up national DNA database of suspected terrorists. Lastly, section 311 federalizes information sharing between all federal agency with federal, state, and local law enforcement. According to Abele, checks and balances between the Judicial, Executive, and Legislative branches of government provide a guarantee that governmental power will not be consolidated or abused by one branch (47). The threats to this essential construction of constitutional democracy in the U.S. may be seen in the following sections of the PATRIOT Act. Section 203 allows information sharing between the FBI, CIA, INS and other federal agencies without judicial oversight. Section 206 says that no judicial review of roving wiretaps is permitted. Section 214 requires that a judge doesnt have to issue a warrant for the use of pen registers and trap and trace devices. Section 215 requires a judge to court order seizures of any tangible thing the Justice Department requests. Section 216 requires the judge to issue a court order for pen registers and trap and trace devices. In Section 412, no court hearings are required before jailing aliens/immigrants. Finally, in section 505, no judicial review is permitted of the activities of forcing people to turn over information on other people. Due process is a part of the Fifth Amendment, which requires the government to follow recognized rules, and not act at random. This includes the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, and the right to have the state proves its case beyond a reasonable doubt. The Fifth Amendment, in part, says: No person shall beÃÆ' ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚ ¦deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of lawÃÆ' ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚ ¦ (Abele, 49). These issues become relevant to the PATRIOT Act in the following ways. 411 always the government to Section 412 allows the Attorney General to hold non-citizens for up to seven days, and for additional periods of up to six months (Abele, 49) without charging him/her with criminal or immigration violation cha rges. The PATRIOT Act intrudes on Free Speech of the First Amendment in the following ways. Section 218 allows the surveillance of any U.S. person as long as its for a significant purpose. Sections 215 and 215 places gag orders on those who have been visited by the FBI. Section 412 allows the detention and deportation of any immigrant who has verbally supported a terrorist organization. Section 802 deals with domestic terrorism, which, according to Chang, is acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of criminal laws that appear to be intended to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion (p. 45). Section 120 and 121 uses the definition of terrorism against any political protestor. Section 206 contradicts the usual protection of witnesses by the First Amendment by preventing grand jury witnesses from discussion any part of their testimony with anyone other than their lawyer. Section 411 creates 15 new death penalties. Although the PATRIOT Act cause s American citizens to give up on some of their constitutional rights, when it comes to their safety, they are willing to do it. The PATRIOT Act has allowed federal agencies to violate the First, Fourth, Fifth, and Fourteenth amendments of the Bill of Rights. Even with these violations, it has still been successful at protecting our homeland by preventing future terrorists attacks.

Saturday, December 28, 2019

Peer to Peer Assessment Strategy for Groups

Group work is a great strategy to use in the secondary classroom in order to to improve student learning.  But group work sometimes requires a form of problem solving on its own. While the goal in these classroom collaborations is to equally distribute the work to solve a problem or produce a product, there maybe a student (or two) who does not contribute as much as the other members of the group. This student may let his or her fellow students do the bulk of the work, and this student may even share the group grade. This student is the  slacker  in the group, a member who can frustrate the other members of the group. This is especially a problem if the some of the group work is done outside the classroom. So what can a teacher do about assessing this slacker student who does not collaborate with others or who contributes little to the finished product? How can a teacher be fair and award the appropriate grade to those members of a group who have worked effectively? Is equal participation in group work even possible?   The Reasons for Using Group Work in Class While these concerns might make a teacher think about giving up group work entirely, there are still powerful reasons for using groups in class: Students take ownership of the subject matter.Students develop communication and teamwork skills.Students work together and teach each other.  Students can bring  individual skill sets  to a group.Students learn to plan more effectively and manage their time. Here is one more reason to use groups Students can learn to how to assess their work and the work of others. At the secondary level, the success of group work can be measured in many different ways, but the most common is through a grade or points. Instead of having the teacher determine how a groups participation or project will be scored, teachers can grade the project as a whole and then turn the individual participant grades over to the group as a lesson in negotiation. Turning this responsibility over to the students can address the problem of grading the slacker in the group by having student peers distribute points based on the evidence of work contributed. Designing the Point or Grade System: If the teacher chooses to use peer to peer grade distribution, the teacher must be clear that the project under review will be graded to meet standards outlined in a rubric. The total number of points available for the completed project, however, would be based on the number of people in each group. For example, the top score (or an A) awarded to a student for a project or participation that meets the highest standard could be set at 50 points. If there are 4 students in the group, the project would be worth 200 points (4 students X 50 points each).If there are 3 students in the group,  the project would be worth 150 points  (3 students X 50 points each).If there are 2 members of the group,  the project would be worth 100 points  (2 students X 50 points each).    Peer to Peer Grading and Student Negotiation   Each student would be be awarded points using the following formula: 1. The teacher would first grade the project  as anA or B or C, etc.  based on the criteria established in the rubric. 2. The teacher would convert that grade into its numerical equivalent:   For example, the teacher may determine that the project should be awarded  the equivalent of a B:​If the project had four students and was worth 200 points, the project would receive 172  points;  Ã¢â‚¬â€¹Ã‚  if the project had three students and was worth 150 points, the project would receive  130 points;if the project had two students and was worth 100 points, the project would be awarded 86 points. 3.  After the project receives a grade from the teacher, the students in the group would negotiate on how to divide these points for a grade. Each student must have evidence of what he or she did to  earn points.  Students  could equitably divide the points:   172 points (4 students) or130 points (3 students) or86 points (two students)​If all students worked equally and have the evidence to show they should all get the same grade, then each student would receive 43  points out of the original 50 points available.  Each student would receive an 86%.However,  in the group of three students, if two students have the evidence that that they did the bulk of the work, they could negotiate for more points.  They could negotiate for 48 points each (96%) and leave the  slacker with 34 points (68%).   4. Students confer with the teacher for the distribution of points supported by evidence. Results of Peer to Peer Grading Having students participate in how they are graded makes the assessment process transparent. In these negotiations, all students are responsible for providing evidence of the work they did in completing the project.   Peer to peer assessment can be a motivating experience. When teachers may not be able to motivate students, this form of peer pressure may get the desired results. It is recommended that the negotiations for awarding points be supervised by the teacher to ensure fairness. The teacher can retain the ability to override a groups decision. Using this strategy can provide students an opportunity advocate for themselves, a real world skill they will need after they leave school.

Friday, December 20, 2019

Is It A Man - 914 Words

â€Å"Be a man?† What does that mean? In order to be a man, one must first understand what a man is. In a world where there are several contrasting viewpoints on various issues and ideas, there is no single definition as to what a man is or what traits a man holds. The general definition of a man is â€Å"a matured male human being† (Man 1). That definition leaves room for many to further interpret what they believe a man is and allows for misconceptions to be formed. Now, a man is described as being strong, courageous, and tough. Even though these traits are true for men in some situations, a man is truly defined by the way he presents himself with confidence, maturity, and nobility. Men relate to the word man in different ways. In a video by Cut on YouTube, men ages 5 to 50 are asked what they think of when someone tells them to â€Å"be a man.† Many of the men in the video saw the phrase as telling them to be strong, to be courageous, or to take responsibility, but some of the men saw the phrase as an insult or misleading. One participant said that the phrase was said to him when he was being a â€Å"wuss† and they wanted him to buck up. This shows how this term has been used to make boys think that they must do some unwise things in order for them to be accepted by their peers and to be viewed as a â€Å"man.† It has caused some to believe that they must always be tough and that if they break their resilient demeanor, they are no longer men. It is a major reason as to why the phrase â€Å"men don’tShow MoreRelatedThe Connection Between Man And Man946 Words   |  4 Pagesmade up the new world the first element was the connect betw een man and man. 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Thursday, December 12, 2019

International Expansion Strategy Of The Tata Group †Free Samples

Question: Discuss about the International Expansion Strategy Of The Tata Group. Answer: Introduction: The current report lays stress on the international expansion strategy of the Tata Group, which has been undertaken in the past under the leadership of Ratan Tata. The expansions have been carried out mainly through stake acquisitions in global firms in steel, automobile, mining and hotel industries. Hence, the report would shed light on the various issues that the group is facing along with devising out strategies for minimising the problems. Source problems: The initial problem of Tata Group is to develop consistent vision while operating in various markets and industries (Buckley et al., 2016). Another problem is to set out strategies for more than 100 organisations in above 80 nations. The next problem is to find out a way of absorbing the struggling Corus mills. Finally, the most challenging problem for the group would be to fill up the vacant space of the visionary and energetic leader, Ratan Tata, after his retirement. Secondary problems: The secondary problems confronting the Tata Group in the global arena include the following: Expansion of businesses and investments, since the group is subject to various market situations and culture of each market Continuing the operation of Corus Mills, since it is loaded with debt of $7.4 billion and greater operating cost minimises the profit level of Tata Steel (Contractor, Kumar Dhanaraj, 2015). Business sustainability against the sustainability of corporate social responsibility during economic downturn with a debt burden of $7.4 billion already in the books Managementcontrol in Tata Group, as the organisation has not found an effective successor of Ratan Tata in accordance with the case study Analysis: For expansion of businesses and investments, there is absence of common corporate strategy for Tata Group, which might hinder its overall productivity. This might act as a restraining force and hence, it could be linked with the force field analysis of Kurt Lewin. Continuing the operations of Corus Mills is a serious challenge for Tata Group due to high debt burden of $7.4 billion. However, one of the significant competitive advantages that Tata Group enjoys over its rivals is backward integration, since it has its own sufficient iron ore and coal reserves for manufacturing raw steel at lower cost in India. Raw steel is shipped to the first-class mills of Corus for manufacturing steel products. However, the financial data of Tata Motors, as provided in the case study, states that it was the least profitable business in 2007. With the help of competitive advantage and acquisition of Corus Mills, Tata Group could use Corus Mills and Tata Steel for manufacturing steel car parts at lower costs in order to minimise the cost of revenue for Tata Motors (Yadav, Tikoria Dadhich, 2017). In order to deal with the sustainability issue, Tata Group could minimise contributions for charitable causes like minimising or terminating the yearly $40 million contribution for charitable acts in Jamshedpur for sustaining its business operations. However, it might result in loss of reputation for the group because of negative media and press reporting (Koontz Weihrich, 2015). In relation to themanagement control in Tata Group, it has adopted family type organisational culture, in which it takes adequate care of its staffs along with providing continual employment. This is depicted in the form of contribution of $40 million yearly in its home base of Jamshedpur and the remuneration policy of its staffs until they reach the age of 60. This would increase the overall expenses of Tata Group for achieving its corporate social responsibility. Criteria of evaluation: For identifying and segregating between the businesses related to cash cows and stars and the businesses related to question mark and dog within the next half year. Minimising the debt burden of $7.4 billion of Corus within the upcoming five years Minimising the yearly charitable expense within the upcoming five years Finding out a successor within the upcoming two or three years Alternative strategies: Short-term: S1: Identifying and grouping the various business segments in accordance with the BCG matrix S2: Determining the business areas to be focused and those to be liquidated Long-term: L1: Minimising the debt burden of $7.4 billion of Corus with the help of refinancing of debt loan at a lower rate of interest L2: Minimising the yearly charitable expense of $40 million by 5% per annum in the initial four years and 10% in the fifth year along with fall in staff benefits as well L3: Finding out a successor for changing its family type organisational culture Recommended strategies: Based on the evaluation of the possible alternatives, the following strategies could be selected: S1: Identifying and grouping the businesses S2: Determining the business operations to be continued and those to be shut down L2: Minimising the yearly charitable expense Justification of recommendations: The short-term strategies S1 and S2 are selected, since it would help in resolving the expansion of businesses due to the absence of common group strategy with an identical objective for Tata Group. The long-term strategy L2 is chosen, since it would help the group in freeing up additional capital for boosting the stars businesses. Implementation, control and follow-up: In order to implement S1 and S2, consolidation needs to be executed with utmost care in order to avoid staff redundancy (Thite et al., 2016). After successful execution, the corporate office of Tata Group need not launch extensive business expansion plans without careful considerations. The corporate office needs to monitor the implementation of the strategies with a specific timeline developed in the form of a guide for restricting any delay or procrastination. For implementing the L2 strategy, utmost caution is needed, since quick implementation might dampen the reputation of the group because of negative media and press reporting. The minimisation would be carried out gradually in five years and the corporate office of the group would have to adhere closely to the timeline (Tung, 2016). Conclusion: From the above evaluation, it could be inferred that the major issues confronting the global business operations of Tata Group include business sustainability,management control, expansion of businesses and successor. For eliminating these issues, it is recommended to the organisation to group the businesses, ascertain the business operations to be carried out and shut down and finally, minimising the yearly charitable expense. References: Buckley, P. J., Munjal, S., Enderwick, P., Forsans, N. (2016). Cross-border acquisitions by Indian multinationals: Asset exploitation or asset augmentation?. Contractor, F. J., Kumar, V., Dhanaraj, C. (2015). Leveraging India: Global interconnectedness and locational competitive advantage.Management International Review,55(2), 159-179. Deresky, H. (2017).International management: Managing across borders and cultures. Pearson Education India. Koontz, H., Weihrich, H. (2015).Essentials of Management: An International, Innovation, and Leadership Perspective. McGraw-Hill Education. Morschett, D., Schramm-Klein, H., Zentes, J. (2015).Strategic international management(pp. 978-3658078836). Springer. Thite, M., Wilkinson, A., Budhwar, P., Mathews, J. A. (2016). Internationalization of emerging Indian multinationals: Linkage, leverage and learning (LLL) perspective.International Business Review,25(1), 435-443. Tung, R. L. (2016). New perspectives on human resource management in a global context.Journal of World Business,51(1), 142-152. Yadav, N., Tikoria, J., Dadhich, A. (2017). Pathway towards Competitiveness through Sustainable Enterprise: A Case Study of Tata Group.International Journal of Global Business and Competitiveness,12(1), 45-58.

Wednesday, December 4, 2019

Egyptain Foreign Policy In Regards To Israel The United States. The Essay Example For Students

Egyptain Foreign Policy In Regards To Israel The United States. The Essay History of the conflict in the Middle East is long and well documented. To both, and to many biased observers the history of the Egyptian/Israeli conflict is very one sided, with one government, or one people causing the continued wars between the two neighboring states. But, as any social scientist of any reputation will state, all international conflicts have more than one side, and usually are the result of events surrounding, and extending over the parties involved. Thus, using this theory as a basis, we must assume that the conflict between Israel and Egypt is more complicated than a partial observer would see it. For the purpose of this paper, we are going to examine the basic factors of Egypts Involvement and conflict with Israel, with some emphasis on the involvement of the United State, and the Western Nation in this conflict. Also, I wish to pay particular attention to the question of who, or what brought these countries into conflict. Were they both victims of their situation, or did they become actively involved in promoting conflict, or perhaps a third party source, such as the US pushed them into conflict? In 1948, the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel was read by David Ben-Gurion in Tel Aviv. The Egyptians, like most of the Arab states saw this as a creation of a Western State, backed by the British Empire, and thus an imperialistic entity in the Arab homeland. Considering the past 20 years of the Egyptian state, and of most of the Arab nations, was a continual conflict again imperial powers, the Egyptian were naturally weary and afraid of any new imperialistic powers developing in the Middle East. In September 1947, the League of Arab States decided to resist by force the plan for the partition of Palestine into an Arab and a Jewish State, and when the Jewish state was created, the armies of the various Arab states entered into Palestine to save the country for the Arabs again Zionist a ggression. The Arabs were defeated and the Arab Countries saved a small amount of land, the Transjordon, and the West Bank. Similarly Egypt saved strip of territory around Gaza. The causes of this war, and Egypts involved can be examined in several ways. Obviously, the creation of the State of Israel by Ben-Gurion and his supporters provided a excuse for the Arab Nations, and Egypt to attack the Jewish population in Israel. As mentioned, the Egyptians saw the formation of Israel as an Imperialist state, and they were defending the land for the Palestinians, and more importantly for the newly developing arab unity. While the United States was not actively involved in the war, either by providing arms or providing much assistance, their actions did create an interesting and volatile atmosphere. As soon as the state of Israel was created, the United State quickly recognized the state and started diplomatic relations with the newly formed government. At the same time, the USSR recognized Israel, not wishing the US to be seen as the champion for the newly found state. Although there is no definitive proof, one can assume that Egypt, and the rest of the Arab nations felt the need to quickly react to the situation, in almost a type of fear that powers outside their Arab influence, such as the United States were quickly impeding on their territory, by using Israel as a means of their peaceful aggression.Still, Egypt was clearly the main aggressor in this instance, and was not defending their own territory, but instead attempting to obtain territory, which they did succeed in acquiring, through the Gaza Strip. The Egyptian actions quickly set the tone of conflict in the Middle East, giving the Israelis no option but the take an initial purely military response in defense of their newly formed state. In the minds of the Israeli leaders, Egypt was nothing but a threat to the existence of the Jewish state, and thus, perhaps rightly, should only be dealt with as an enemy. From the outcome of this poorly prepared war emerged Gamal Abdul Nasser, who commanded an Egyptian Army in Palestine. He organized a clandestine group inside the army called the Free Officers. After the war against Israel, the Free Officers began to plan for a revolutionary overthrow of the government. In 1949 nine of the Free Officers formed the Committee of the Free officers Movement and in 1950 Nasser was elected chairman. In 1952, the Free Officers Movement led a revolution in Egypt and took power, under the newly formed Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) , with Muhammad Naguib as president and commander in Chief. Almost all leader in the RCC were soldiers, many who had fought in the 1948 war and this seriously affected the outlook of them towards Israel, and their policies towards Israel as a state. Most of them had some type of conflicts with the British and were totally, and completely against colonial power in the Middle East, of any kind.While Naguib was the head of the RCC and the government, Nasser was the real power behind Egypt. Although the first 2 years of the RCCs existence was a struggle of power, Nasser eventually won, and the Egyptian foreign policy was dictated by him. Within a few months Naguib officially began prime minister, minister of war, commander in chief and the president of the RCC. Interestingly enough, Nasser took no direct actions during the next few years against Israel, but instead focused on internal colonization, by trying to get the British out.It should be mentioned that around this time, the great contracts against the USSR were formed and implemented. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Southeast Treaty organization were supposed t o contain the Soviet Union in the west and east. The Baghdad pact, brought Britain, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and Iraq to form a barrier on the USSRs south borders. It seems that Nasser failed to see this importance, even when Britain initially refused to talk about leaving Egypt until Nasser agreed to an alliance. This decision affected him later, when he sough foreign aid. The United States seeing the growing cold war conflict in this region sought to use the conflict between Israel ; Egypt to its advantage. While they didnt wish to offend either side, at the time, they couldnt yet pledge allegiance to either side. When in 1955, after the British had agree to eventually leave the Canal Area, Nasser started to become convinced once again that Egypt had to arm to defend itself against Israel. Still, the first attack in 1955 was Israel, when they attacked Egyptian Military outposts in Gaza. Quickly, realizing his possible situation, Nasser sought western aid only to find that neither the U.S., France or Britain was willing to help. Because Nasser had refused to join an anti-USSR alliance, he was seen as a threat, especially by people such as the Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Nasser, then turned to the USSR and accepted soviet weapons, which put them directly against the western push for influence in the Middle East. This decision effected Nasser influence on the Western powers for it made sure than in later years that Israel, and not Egypt would get assistance from the United States or Britain. Yet, they he had no choice, except to arm himself in this manner. In Secret Britain, the United States and Israel agreed to allow Israel to attack the Canal from across the Sinai Desert. Business Plan Essay The next day, President Nixon formally asked Congress for emergency funds to finance the massive airlift of arms to Israel that was already under way. During this time, the Major Oil producers in the region cut back production to the United States as an embargo because of these actions. Israel was able to counterattack and succeeded in crossing to the west bank of the canal and surrounding the Egyptian Army. Sadat appealed to the Soviet Union for help. On October 22, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 338, calling for a cease-fire by all parties within twelve hours in the positions they occupied. Egypt accepted the cease-fire, but Israel, alleging Egyptian violations of the cease-fire, completed the encirclement Army to the east of the canal.The Soviet Union was furious, believing it had been double-crossed by the United States. On October 24, the Soviet ambassador handed Kissinger a note from Brezhnev threatening that if the United States was not prepared to join in sending forces to impose the cease-fire, the Soviet Union would act alone. Luckily the UN sent a force there to enforce the cease-fire. Meanwhile, Syria felt betrayed by Egypt because Sadat did not inform his ally of his decision to accept the cease-fire. Two days after Sadat, Syria accepted the cease-fire as well. The Israelis, however, paid a heavy price for merely holding their attackers to an inconclusive draw. The war had a devastating effect on Israels economy and was followed by savage austerity measures and drastically reduced living standards. For the first time, Israelis witnessed the humiliating spectacle of Israeli were seen on Arab television. Also, for the first time captured Israeli hardware was exhibited in Cairo.Sadats prestige grew tremendously. The war, along with the political moves Sadat had made previously, meant that he was totally in control and able to implement the programs he wanted. He was the hero of the day. In 1977 the outlook for peace between Israel and Egypt was not good. Israel still held most of Sinai, and negotiations had been at a stalemate since the second disengagement agreement in 1975. Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin was a hard-liner and a supporter of Israeli expansion. He approved the development of settlements on the occupied West Bank and reprisal raids into southern Lebanon. After the food riots of January 1977, Sadat decided that something dramatic had to be done, and so on November 19, 1977, in response to an invitation from Begin, Sadat journeyed to Jerusalem, and agreed upon peace. Many Egyptians accepted peace with Israel if it meant regaining Egyptian territories. Of the Arab countries, only Sudan, Oman, and Morocco were favorable to Sadats trip. In the other Arab states, there was shock and dismay. The Arabs felt that Sadat had betrayed the cause of Arab solidarity and the Palestinians. In spite of Sadats denials, the Arabs believed that he intended to go it alone and make a separate peace with Israel. In fact, that is what happened. In December 1977, Egypt and Israel began peace negotiations in Cairo. These negotiations continued on and off over the next several months, but by September 1978 it was clear that they were deadlocked. President Jimmy Carter had become closely involved in the negotiations. In an effort to break the deadlock, Carter invited Sadat and Begin to Camp David. The negotiations were tense and almost broke down several times. On September 17, however, Carter announced that the Camp David Accords had been reached. They consisted of two parts, the Framework for Peace in the Middle East and the Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt. The Camp David Accords made Sadat a hero in Europe and the United States. The reaction in Egypt was generally favorable, but there was opposition from the left. In the Arab world, Sadat was almost universally condemned. Only Sudan issued an ambivalent statement of support. The Arab states suspended all official aid and severed diplomatic relations. Egypt was expelled from the Arab League, which it was instrumental in founding, and from other Arab institutions. Saudi Arabia withdrew the funds it had promised for Egypts purchase of American fighter aircraft.In the West, where Sadat was extolled as a hero and a champion of peace, the Arab rejection of the Camp David Accords is often confused with the rejection of peace. The basis for Arab rejection was opposition to Egypts separate peace with Israel. Although Sadat insisted that the treaty provided for a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Arab states and the PLO saw it as a separate peace, which Sadat had vowed he would not sign. The Arabs believed that only a unified Arab stance and the threat of force would persuade Israel to negotiate a settlement of the Palestinian issue that would satisfy Palestinian demands for a homeland. Without Egypts military power, the threat of force evaporated because no single Arab state was strong enough militarily to confront Israel alone. The Camp David Accords brought peace to Egypt but not prosperity. With no real improvement in the economy, Sadat became increasingly unpopular. His isolation in the Arab world was matched by his increasing remoteness from the mass of Egyptians. While Sadats critics in the Arab world remained beyond his reach, increasingly he reacted to criticism at home by expanding censorship and jailing his opponents. In addition, Sadat subjected the Egyptians to a series of referenda on his actions and proposals that he invariably won by more than 99 percent of the vote. For example, in May 1979 the Egyptian people approved the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty by 99.9 percent of those voting.Sadats handpicked successor, Husni Mubarak, was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum on October 24. Mubaraks main concern in regard to the Israeli conflict was concerned to regain the Sinai Peninsula for Egypt and to return his country to the Arab fold. One of Mubaraks first acts was to pledge to honor the peace treaty with Israel. In April 1982, the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai took place as scheduled. A multinational force of observers took up positions in Sinai to monitor the peace. Egypt was allowed to station only one army division in Sinai. Since then, Egypt has had a decent relationship with Israel and the United States, and it has been seen by many Arab Countries as the traitor in many circumstances. It is perceivable that without the influence of the United States the peace in Israel would have been different, if not sooner. The United States, in order to push the cold war policies saw Israel and Egypt as pawn in their global game of politics. Especially in the early years, neither country saw the United States as a enemy nor as a ally, and thus depended on it for little. Yet, both countries saw the possibility of gaining resources from the great western power, or at least its enemy the USSR.Under Carter, however the United States, perhaps for the first time, played a peace-making role in the Middle East. Perhaps Carter was being the peaceful President, or more likely he realized the need for peace in the middle east in order to lower the gas prices, and for the US to harness the immense resources of the region.